Tamil Nadu

Opinion

“The name change of the Central Railway Station looks hollow and empty. Isn’t there a better way to remember MGR’s legacy?” writes R Kannan, MGR’s biographer.

R Kannan

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP appear desperate to lay claim to former Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MG Ramachandran’s legacy. Kicking off an election rally on 6 March on the outskirts of Chennai, the Prime Minister announced the renaming of the city’s Central Railway Station after the “great MG Ramachandran” (MGR). Earlier he had unveiled his statue. That evening in three separate tweets, the Prime Minister self-patted his government for its “decisiveness, work culture and track record” and claimed that the NDA was best suited to fulfil regional aspirations and MGR’s dreams. AIADMK founder MGR’s heart was in the right place. Known for his munificence, he once donated 6,000 raincoats for rickshaw drivers. As Chief Minister, his administration’s thrust was welfare for the poor; his nutritious noon meal programme, the expansion of the public distribution system, books for school children, village self-sufficiency scheme, public private partnership in tertiary education and strides in primary health care speak to only a facet of MGR’s legacy. Before he grew ill, MGR the Chief Minister was in person to commiserate in case of a natural disaster or the launch of a welfare scheme. Laying claim to such legacy would be a tall order – especially for the BJP. The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government’s slip is showing. Except the December 2015 floods and Cyclone Ockhi in November 2017, the Prime Minister has not found the time to visit the state when Cyclone Gaja left a trail of misery last November or Cyclone Vardah in December 2016. More worryingly between 2015 and now the NDA government saw fit to sanction a measly 5% of the one lakh crore in disaster assistance sought. The “decisiveness” that one witnessed in setting up the Cauvery Tribunal is nothing but phenomenal. If not for the Supreme Court, the NDA would have continued to sit on its hands. NEET or the environmentally controversial central schemes they have been simply ramrodded down Tamil Nadu’s throat. In his films the poor, the downtrodden and the mistreated piggybacked on MGR’s sense of fairness and generosity. Now the BJP thinks it could ride on MGR’s “legacy”. Thirty-one years after he passed away and two years after former Chief Minister Jayalalithaa’s death, the AIADMK has been reduced to an errand boy taking orders from masters in Delhi. Hanging on to its dear life, the Edappadi S Palanisami-led AIADMK government had long turned into a BJP proxy administration. Remembrance must be meaningful The name change of the Central Railway Station, therefore, looks hollow and empty. Isn’t there a better way to remember MGR’s legacy? Among the tens of central schemes that are named, Modi could have graciously chosen to yield one to MGR? Instead, he chose the Central Railways Station. Too little too late. For 57 months the Modi administration was impervious to MGR’s “greatness”. Besides, any remembrance to any leader must be meaningful. The Central Railway Station is probably one of the most inapposite landmarks for a man whose looks, freshness and energy placed millions in thrall. Older to the Mumbai Railway Station by five years, the Central Railway Station has stood as a majestic landmark of the British legacy of railroad communications and a mix of Gothic and Romanesque style architecture – that is until you get inside. Inside the stench next to the tracks, the slovenly look, the chaos and the grime make you want to quickly get into the train and be off. The place could be easily spruced up and made nice and very welcoming. But that requires thoughtfulness not electoral expediency. The irony is that the Central Railway Station unlike the Victoria Terminus of Mumbai did not have a British colonial name; nor a Mughal name. The Modi administration and its partners have been quick to erase history in the clumsiest ways. But they alone should not be blamed. Unlike the Congress and the others, they see the Mughals too as colonial. In July 2018, the BJP kicked up a controversy naming Mughalsarai a station 20 kms from Varanasi after Deendayal Upadhyaya, one of its former leaders. More than two decades earlier, in March 1996 the then Shiv Sena-BJP government in Maharashtra renamed the Victoria Terminus as Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus. On 27 June 2017, the present BJP government in Maharashtra wanted to be one-up on its earlier record and added Maharaj next to Shivaji. The naming of Chennai’s Central Railway Station after MGR is one more clumsy attempt to establish what the BJP is not: a tolerant, inclusive party. Even in Tamil Nadu, where elections are mostly bought, the Prime Minister’s 6 March attempt to portray the BJP as a party that can relate to the Tamils, Tamil and Tamil Nadu will be a hard sell. R. Kannan is the deputy head of the HirShabelle Office of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia. He is also the author of ‘MGR: A Life’. Views are author’s own.

Body 2:

Sanitation

The city has been picked for the City Wide Inclusive Sanitation project, supported by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.

Manasa Rao

Wikimedia Commons/ IM3847/ CCBYSA4.0

Trichy, the city that sits at the centre of Tamil Nadu, has received high honour, having been selected for the City Wide Inclusive Sanitation (CWIS) initiative, supported by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. It is only one of four cities in India that has received the honour and among eight worldwide. The cities, selected for the CWIS initiative, are expected to work towards the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) on sanitation ‘to ensure safe, inclusive, and financially sustainable sanitation services, which will serve as global benchmarks.’ Speaking to TNM, Santosh Ragavan of the Tamil Nadu Urban Sanitation Support Programme, which has been working with the Trichy corporation on the programme says that the city getting picked is thanks to the sustained community sanitation efforts over the years. “This City Wide Inclusive Sanitation is a framework supported by many partner organisations as well as the Gates’ Foundation. Inclusive sanitation looks at a number of aspects including the urban poor and gender-related issues when it comes to sanitation. The Tamil Nadu Urban Sanitation Support Programme has been working in Trichy for over two-and-a-half years. Initially the focus was on faecal sludge management. We were working to improve safe treatment abiding by the operational guidelines for septage management. We built on what Trichy was already doing in terms of community-led initiatives including community toilets run by local self-help groups.” With the issue of illegal manual scavenging deaths claiming lives frequently despite being outlawed, the TNUSS programme says that the inclusive nature of the program takes into account the welfare of sanitation workers. “Sanitation workers play a very important role in this value chain. The focus is very much on how their work is implemented, the process and procedure of it. There are mechanised systems that need to work effectively and the process itself needs to be adopted to safety. The program will conduct provision of Personal Protective Equipment as well as the health and family welfare of the sanitation workers,” explains Santosh. Trichy, which has retained its cleanest city in the state tag in the 2018 Swachh Bharat, also hopes to mobilize youth in schools and colleges along with NGOs, civil society and the private sector to improve sanitation further. The project will also attempt to mainstream sanitation into existing initiatives such as Amrut, Swachh Bharat Mission (SBM), Clean Trichy campaign, and Trichy Home Composting campaign showcase innovations and systematically document and share learnings, particularly with a view to enable replication.

Body 2:

Controversy

MK Stalin had recently accused Dr Nagaswamy of being anti-Tamil and demanded his removal from a committee of the Central Institute of Classical Tamil.

TNM Staff

Noted archaeologist R Nagaswamy, on Thursday, stood by his comments on Thirukkural and said that DMK President MK Stalin’s lack of knowledge on 300 years of Tamil historical studies undermined his accusation against Nagaswamy. Nagaswamy’s response comes days after Stalin demanded his removal from a committee of the Central Institute of Classical Tamil (CICT) for allegedly being anti-Tamil. In a sharply-worded statement, Nagaswamy recorded the multiple instances when Kalaignar M Karunanidhi and MK Stalin had praised him for his work on Tamil language. Mentioning how Tamil scholars from world over consider him an authority on the subject, Nagaswamy wrote, “My works on Tamil art and culture for the past sixty years are known the world over. Hence Stalin’s statement that I am anti-Tamil is untenable.” Defending his views that Thirukkural is rooted in Vedic tradition, Nagaswamy said that it was not just him, but Tamil scholars for the past 1,000 years, such as Parimelalagar, GU Pope and Dr UV Swaminatha Iyer have all supported this view. Adding that GU Pope, in his book, had made more than a hundred references to Manu Dharma Sastra and Bhagavad Gita, Nagaswamy said that Stalin was not aware of even 300 years of Tamil historical studies “exposing himself and his ignorance of Tamil language among world Tamil scholars.” Nagaswamy also made it clear in his response that he has not yet received any communication till date about his appointment to any committee of the CICT. He also had nothing to add about Stalin’s allegations of the centre not allocating enough funds for CICT. “I suggest he revise his appeal to Government of India to save himself the embarrassment,” Nagaswamy wrote. Stalin had alleged that Nagaswamy was anti-Tamil and distorted Tamil culture and history according to his whim. Stating that Nagaswamy had belittled the Tamil poet-saint Thiruvalluvar by saying that Thirukkural had its roots in the Vedas, Stalin accused the central government of not allocating enough funds for the institute.

Body 2:

Controversy

The World Tamil Sangam, which is a part of the state govt, had refused permission for the event citing that people who are opposed to the current govt were special guests at the event.

TNM Staff

The Madras high court, on Thursday, granted permission to release the book ‘Nadar Varalaru Karuppa, Kaviya’ (Is Nadar’s history black or saffron) at the World Tamil Sangam in Madurai. A bench consisting of Justice GR Swaminathan permitted the book release and observed that the building belonged to the public and that the book release was not a communal or religious function. Stating that history could be viewed in more than one way, the court said that the contents of the book that the author had written projects his opinions on the topic. The order came after the author of the book, R Lajapathi Roy, moved the court seeking an intervention over the denial of permission to release the book in Tamil Sangam. Lajapathi Roy had written to the Tamil Sangam, requesting permission to release his book at the venue and had also paid Rs 40,000 for the purpose. However, he was informed of the refusal vide a letter written by the Director of the World Tamil Sangam, Dr P Chandra. “Based on the subsequent letter dated March 6, 2019, we hereby inform that permission for the event is denied as those who hold contrary views to the government are participating as chief guests and also because it appears to be a caste and religious-oriented function,” the letter said. Referring to the letter of denial of permission sent to the author, the court observed that the permission cannot be denied on the ground that people opposed to the government were going to be guests and added that the government changes in a democracy. The book is set to be released by former Minister Poongothai Aladi Aruna and the first copy will be received by writer Sampath Srinivasan who had written a book on Nadar’s struggle for equality. Anti-nuclear activist SP Udhayakumar, film directors Ameer and Karu Palaniappan, writer and activist A Marx, and advocate Prabhu Rajadurai will be among the participants at the event.

Body 2:

Opinion

The court is very worried because a large percentage of murders are apparently triggered by extra marital affairs. But somewhere, they seem to have lost focus on what exactly the issue is…

Ragamalika Karthikeyan

The distracted boyfriend meme. Courtesy: Twitter.

The Government of India and Government of Tamil Nadu have been given a strange new homework exercise by the Madras High Court. They each have to answer 20 questions on extramarital affairs by the third week of June, including whether mega TV serials are influencing people in extramarital relationships to commit murder, and whether women ‘mingling with third parties’ in their offices is leading to affairs. The reason? The Madras High Court bench of Justices N Kirubakaran and Abdul Quddhose have a hunch that extramarital affairs are leading to lots of murders. The bench was hearing a writ petition for the release of a man who is accused in a murder case involving an extra marital affair, and said, “Extra-marital relationship has become a dangerous social evil nowadays. Many heinous crimes including ghastly murders, assaults, kidnappings, etc., are committed because of clandestine relationships and they are alarmingly increasing day-by-day.” “Marriage in India is based on love, faith, trust and legitimate expectation. The marital relationship is considered to be sacred. However, what is to be sacred is dangerously fast becoming scary shattering families due to outside conjugal relationship,” it observed. So the court believes that several murders are being committed by people on many sides of extramarital relationships. Well if data supports that hypothesis, fair enough, let’s get the data and figure out what to do from there on. However, the manner in which the court has framed its 20 questions for the governments makes it appear like the court is less worried about the murders and more worried about the morality of these relationships. This despite the court claiming, “the queries are neither opinion nor finding or conclusions of this Court.” 50 shades of extramarital affairs Perhaps the judges, like writers and editors, hate redundancy. We get that – it’s not pretty to use the same words again and again. However, does that mean synonyms.com has all the answers? Well, perhaps in order to avoid saying ‘extramarital relationship’ repeatedly in the 20 questions and the rest of the judgment, the bench decided to use the following, colourful terms – each, very obviously, filled with moral judgment: Illicit intimacy Immoral relationship Scandalous relationship Clandestine relationship Scandalous affair Illicit affair Illicit connection Additionally, the court is of the view that extramarital relationships are social evils and a ‘social menace’. Here’s the thing, sirs. You may hold whatever moral values you please – indeed, my personal ‘moral value’ is to wonder how people have the time and energy for multiple relationships – however, as High Court Justices, what you say holds a lot of weight. And the manner in which you have described these relationships and framed these questions seem to suggest that extramarital affairs somehow justify murder. Focus on the violence, please Sirs, in case you forgot, the Supreme Court recently decriminalised adultery. But your 20 questions seem to be geared towards re-criminalising it. The thing is let’s say the numbers find a correlation between extramarital relationships and murders. Even then, the real problem is the murder – the violence – and not whether people are in affairs or not. Saying murders are committed by people in extramarital relationships, therefore let’s all focus on stopping ‘illicit’ ‘scandalous’ extramarital relationships, is akin to saying most rapes are committed by men who are known to women, and therefore let’s focus on stopping men and women coming to know each other. It’s like looking to Mars for solutions to sociological problems. If people in extramarital relationships are killing their partners and children or vice versa, we must ask the question – why is violence even considered a response to hurt feelings and rejection? And if we – the society, governments, courts, sociologists, psychiatrists, psychologists, whoever – can answer that question, and address that issue, it will be much more useful to a lot more people. Like women who are killed and maimed and thrown acid at by men who cannot stomach rejection. Like inter-caste couples who are chased and abducted and killed by parents who cannot digest any challenge to their caste hegemony. Stop making life difficult for women In addition, society has already placed enough barriers for working women to grow within their companies and as professionals. Right from having to take on a lion’s share of housework to dealing with sexual harassment at the workplace, the patriarchy continues to stifle women. So, to insinuate that 'women mingling with their colleagues' is leading to extramarital relationships, will only further weaken the cause of the working woman. Somehow, these questions seem to look over the fact that having an affair is a choice, whether it is a man or a woman. A workplace setting or economic freedom of women cannot be shown in a bad light for the same. With inputs from Sanyukta Dharmadhikari and Priyanka Thirumurthy. Views expressed are the authors' own.

Body 2:

Child Marriage

According to a 2016 study, 16% of women in Tamil Nadu between the ages 20-24 were married off as children.

Priyanka Thirumurthy

24-year-old Lalitha, a resident of Salem was in ninth standard when she decided she wanted to become a nurse. Born in an impoverished family that lived in a forest area near Eriputhur, she travelled over 15 kms to school everyday. This meant that after working in her family farm, she had to walk nearly three kilometres to the nearest bus stop everyday and then travel 12 kilometres to reach the government school. And while Lalitha was willing to endure this journey, her parents were not. Fearing her safety while travelling and owing to the lack of bathroom facilities in the government school, they stopped her education when she was 15 and forcefully married her off to a relative in Mumbai."We were from a very poor family and even when I tried to get on to the bus, I remember the conductor would try to shoo me away. If we did get on to the bus, then there was the risk of sexual harassment by the men there," recalls Lalitha. "And if we were late to school because of the distance, the teachers would send us back. They didn't even consider what we went through just to get there," she adds. Lalitha fought hard to convince her parents, but could not."But it was of no avail. They said a girl cannot travel so far to study," she says. "They said it was unsafe and the only option was to get me married," she adds. According to a National Family health Survey conducted between 2015-16, sixteen percent of women in Tamil Nadu between the age 20-24 years got married before the legal minimum age of 18. And a recent study by Samakalvi Iyakkam, an NGO that works on child education, argues that lack of access to high schools in the villages of Tamil Nadu is the reason for young girls being pushed into child marriage. According to the study conducted in February, with a sample size of over 200 women who were married off as children in the state, a whopping 87.6% of them made it clear that if they had 'good quality schools available upto 12th standard in their village/neighbourhood, they would not have gotten married early.' Not enough schools? The study states that 86.2% of the women surveyed did not have higher secondary schools in their villages, 84.8% of them did not have high schools in their villages and 46.7% of them did not have middle schools. 62.4% of the women surveyed admitted that this lack of access to education is the reason they discontinued studies."Tamil Nadu currently has over 12,000 panchayats with a population of 10,000 people in each of them," says Rayan, a technical expert in Samakalvi Iyakkam, who conducted this study. "However, we only have around 6000 secondary and senior secondary government schools across the whole of Tamil Nadu. This shows a clear gap between what is required and what exists on ground. While officials like to say that even existing government school are empty as an excuse, what they need to understand is that they must be better planned and more targeted to cover these girls who are falling through the cracks," he adds.'No safety for girls' Of the women surveyed, upto 47.6% of them maintained that there was no safety for them while travelling and close to 10% said they faced sexual abuse while going to school."70% of the women we surveyed belong to the scheduled caste. So in such a case, both gender and caste work against them when they try to get a formal education," says Rayan. And once they dropped out of school, 63% of the respondents were married off between the ages of 16 and 18, while 37% were married between the ages of 11 and 15 years. The marriages, mostly happened with relatives who are atleast 10 years older to them and resulting health issues haunt the young girls for their remaining lives. Impact on health 20-year-old Kavitha, a resident of Salem was only 14 when she was married off to a relative much older to her. When she was coerced to have sexual intercourse, she gave in because she believed it was expected of her from the family. Within the first year of her marriage she became pregnant."They kept me in the hospital for three days because they wanted me to have a normal delivery. I was in agony. Finally, they decided to do a cesarean and I had a daughter," she says. "But after the operation, I didn't know how to take care of myself and my mother-in-law was not concerned about me either. When I complained of pain she dismissed it. Till today, I have unbearable pain when I urinate. Between my first and second child I had several abortions. I would be so scared as I bled and in pain. But nobody explained to me, what was happening to my body," she says. For Lalitha, who went to Mumbai after her marriage, medical admission was refused by hospitals when she had a miscarriage."When my mother-in-law told them my real age, the doctors refused to treat me. I was then told to lie to get treatment. I thought that it was being done for my own good. But only now, I realise that I was married off illegally," she says. "I almost died due to blood loss during my second delivery. My health has completely deteriorated at the age of 20," the mother of two says bitterly. Of the women surveyed, 25.7% of them, faced excessive blood loss during delivery and 23% could not conceive children. And to top it all, 80% of them were not even aware of the legal age of marriage for girls."When we spoke to these women, the first they ask is - 'Why doesn't the government create more awareness on legal age for marriage of women?'. And this is a legitimate questions. Where are the government ads on television and other mass media for the same? It is absent," says Rayan. "Moreover they question why the legal age for men is 21 but for women it is 18. They believe this is a product of patriarchal policy makers who don't believe that women should have time for college education," he adds. Recommendations by the NGO Keeping this in mind, the NGO has recommended that the legal age of marriage for men and women be increased to 21 to assure equal access of higher education for the girl child. The study further argues that public spending on education must be increased to accommodate and empower the poor and marginalised societies. It also calls for mass awareness programmes at the panchayat level to ensure safety and dignity of women. The education department has further been advised to upgrade existing schools to cover all panchayats and ensure toilets for female students are present."Universal quality education is not a benefit conferred on the public and marginalized but an inalienable right. Thus, universal quality education should be viewed from this perspective," says the study. "As per the Integrated Child Protection Scheme, the district child protection unit is to have full responsibility of protecting children through its outreach activities, convergence with line department and strengthening of Village Child Protection Committees. Awareness on ill effects of child marriage, legal provisions to protect children from child marriage should be strongly emphasised in their regular programmes," recommends the study. And it asks parents to be more sensitive to the needs of their children. Kavitha, who has now begun working as a daily wage labourer, says this is one aspect she is already ahead on."No matter what happens, I will educate my children," she says. "My daughter will not face what I have faced."

Body 2:

Human Interest

The 37-year-old head constable has also provided financial support to IAS aspirants in addition to tutoring young police aspirants.

Anjana Shekar

At first, Kotturpuram head constable J Venkateshwara Rao was surprised at the attention he was getting over the last few days. The policeman had donated two months’ worth of his salary to his school, a government run institution at Ayapakkam in Chennai. “But I’ve not done anything big. I’ve only given it back to my alma mater,” he says modestly. While insisting that he’s not enjoying the sudden attention from the media, Venkateshwara agrees to tell us further only because he hopes that this might inspire more officers to come forward and help others. The 37-year-old head constable, whose family originally hails from Andhra Pradesh, joined the school in 1981 and studied there for about eight years, before moving out after completing his Class 8. Venkateshwara’s donation to his school will be in the form of new desks and fans for the classrooms. The head constable adds that donations to government schools cannot be in the form of money. Noting that he made his way up in life amidst challenges, Venkateshwara says he hopes that his gesture inspires more students from his old school to persevere in life. “I too came from a poor family. This school has made me what I am today. I hope more students are inspired to become successful in their life,” he says. Venkateshwara has also been actively donating whatever he can to special schools and old age institutions whenever possible. He also tells us that he enjoys organising alumni meets for his school. The policeman has also provided financial support to IAS aspirants in addition to nurturing young police aspirants. “I frequently take up tutoring for those who want to train to join the academy. If fact, I am here because of my school and the support I received from Sub Inspector Mohammad Anwar sir. He was the one who trained me and helped me with my gym fees. I was able to join the force because of him,” he says, adding that he wants to emulate his mentor. Father to an 8-year-old daughter and 12-year-old son, Venkateshwara Rao was previously employed with the Directorate of Vigilance and Anti-Corruption (DVAC) for 13 years. Venkateshwara is also concerned about the rising drug abuse among teenage students, especially boys in the city. “I got wind of such rumours and I hope to do something about it,” he concludes.

Body 2:

Politics

Kovai Sarala, who has appeared in more than 750 movies in more than five languages, stated that she believed in an equal society when men and women had equal rights.

TNM Staff

Twitter/Makkal Needhi Maiam

The latest actor to enter into politics in Tamil Nadu is popular comedian and actor Kovai Sarala. Sarala joined Kamal Haasan’s political party Makkal Needhi Maiam (MNM) early on Friday morning, while participating in MNM’s Women’s Day celebrations held at their party headquarters in Chennai. மக்கள் நீதி மய்யம் கட்சி இனி மகளிர் நீதி மய்யம் கட்சியாக இருக்கின்றது. மகளிருக்கான நீதியினைப் பெற்றுத்தரும் என்கின்ற நம்பிக்கையுடன் நான் கட்சியில் இணைகிறேன் என்று கோவை சரளா அவர்கள் தெரிவித்தார்.#மகளிர்தினம்#Nammavar#MakkalNeedhiMaiam pic.twitter.com/D9zUaTsCDR — Makkal Needhi Maiam | மக்கள் நீதி மய்யம் (@maiamofficial) March 8, 2019 Speaking at the event Kovai Sarala joked that with an increasing number of women members, Makkal Needhi Maiam might become ‘Magalir’ (Women’s) Needhi Maiam. The versatile actor who has appeared in more than 750 movies in more than five languages so far stated that she believed in an equal society when men and women had equal rights and also added that MNM is capable of bringing about such a change in the society. “Women of Tamil Nadu are repressed, this must be changed. We must ensure that the men in our homes vote for a party that will work for the development of women (MNM),” she said. Also addressing the oft-heard criticism that many actors tend to join politics in the state, “I heard a lot of criticism on actors who enter politics. But I believe actors who play different roles are able to empathise with the plight of the common man. They (actors) are the ones who will be able to eradicate the problems of the common man. That is why I have an emotional connect with this party,” she said. The party that was founded in February last year also has actor Sri Priya as its Women and Children Welfare Coordinator and Kameela Nasser as its Zonal In-charge. In February this year, party leader Kamal Haasan announced that MNM will contest in the upcoming Lok Sabha Elections independently. Kamal had said that his party would not form an alliance with any of the Dravidian parties. The actor, however, is yet to give up on his career. Filming for Indian 2 with director Shankar is currently in progress.

Body 2:

Opinion

Why didn’t Modi speak a word about the Sterlite controversy, the Thoothukudi shooting, Jallikattu, Cauvery, or NEET?

TN Gopalan

Courtesy: PTI

“Friends, our vision is sabka sath, sabka vikas. The bond of humanity is bigger than all bonds. Whenever any Tamil person has faced a problem, anywhere in India or the world, we have been at the forefront to help…” Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s solemnity can indeed be breathtaking. Whether appealing to the minorities in the original avatar, or now turning to Tamils, generally lukewarm to Hindu nationalism, his formulations are poignant, no doubt. Naturally this declaration at a recent NDA rally in Kanchipuram evoked thunderous cheers from the audience. In the same speech, he also claimed, “Almost 1,900 fishermen from Sri Lanka have returned home to Tamil Nadu. A few of them were also facing the death sentence, but we ensured with the cooperation of the Government of Sri Lanka that they returned to India.” That many in the last five years? Most certainly news to those tracking developments down south. Fact-checkers can do the job better, but clearly this is a typical Modi hype. The Rameswaram fishermen did begin to breathe more easily after the destruction of the LTTE, yes, but the turf war between them and their counterparts across straits has resulted in their frequent detention and seizure of their boats by the Lankan authorities. It takes a lot of coaxing to soften them and rescue the detained. This is the latest incident. All the same it can be argued that the Centre is doing its bit, whatever the credibility of Modi’s numbers. But the Congress, too, can turn around and make similar claims. So the right question to ask could be – Is the NDA regime indeed alive to the needs of the state or its sensibilities? All the things that Modi didn’t do The Cauvery river water dispute affects the livelihood of millions, and the upper riparian state of Karnataka continues to baulk at honouring even tribunal awards. Only surplus water flows down, seldom the sharing formula for distress years is adhered to. But never once has the Modi government made any attempt to forge a compromise. Not that former Karnataka Chief Minister and BJP leader Yeddyurappa would allow New Delhi to take any such initiatives – this point raised just to stress that, on a serious economic issue, Modi has been as indifferent to Tamils as the previous Prime Ministers. No major investments have been made in Tamil Nadu either, whether by or at the instance of the Centre. In the educational sphere, NEET is felt to be hurting the interests of the Tamil students. While some experts seem to think that it is not as demonic as it is made out to be, others believe the very nature of the medical entrance exam hurts the interests of students from Tamil Nadu. The rankings are interpreted in various ways, and the last word has not been said on the issue. Whatever the actual impact, it may be noted here that when the controversy was raging and a disappointed Dalit girl, Anitha, killed herself, New Delhi chose to ignore it altogether. If anything, it insisted before the courts that the idea was eminently sensible and just. It wouldn't even accept the translation muddle of last year. Worse, when the Madras High Court ordered compensatory marks, it promptly appealed to the Supreme Court, and eventually the affected Tamil Nadu students lost out. The response to the two major cyclones that hit the state in recent times, Ockhi in 2017 and Gaja last year, has been very tardy. And when a farmers’ organisation went all the way to New Delhi and took to some unorthodox methods of protest, grabbing wide media attention, Modi didn’t care. Only a hugely embarrassed state government had to call on the agitators and persuade them to back off. Of course, none of the issues raised by them have been addressed so far. Besides, critics even argue that the current dispensation is inimical to Tamil aspirations. Both during the jallikattu agitation and Sterlite protests, the Modi regime managed to wriggle out after some initial embarrassment. There was no statement from the Prime Minister when 13 people were shot dead by the police in Thoothukudi last year – no condemnation, no condolences, not even an acknowledgement of the lives lost. But through some deft manoeuvres, both the Centre and the state government could succeed in staving off more odium. But Keezhadi is a major indictment. Even while experts and laity were both excited by the findings that seemed to establish Tamil antiquity, the Centre suddenly downgraded the excavations, booted out the lead archaeologist, and reduced the financial outlay. Another slap on the Tamil pride is the recent nomination of conservative archeologist R Nagaswamy to a panel of the Central Institute of Classical Tamil to decide on fellowships. This expert maintains Thirukural, a celebrated Tamil text, derives from the Vedas, particularly the Manu Shastra, which is widely reviled by the Dravidianists. The case of the seven convicted for their role in the assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi is yet another touchstone. The courts have left it to the executive, but the Governor of Tamil Nadu has been sitting for weeks now on the recommendation of the state government to grant them pardon. (It is claimed though that a surprise announcement could be in the offing, in order to win back public opinion.) Not that previous Congress governments had really acquitted themselves creditably – the problems of the Lankan Tamils, whether native or immigrant, were continuously ignored, Katchatheevu was ceded without so much as a by your leave, leading to major setbacks for the Rameswaram fishermen, the Manmohan Singh regime allowed the Mullivaikkal massacre to take place and so on. But then the BJP has an additional disadvantage – it has to battle the impression that it is a party of the northerners, of the Brahmins and Baniyas at that. The alliance of the AIADMK and other parties might serve to contain such adverse perceptions, but there is nothing on record so far to show this edition of the ‘sabka sath’ is any less hollow. TN Gopalan is a senior journalist based in Chennai. Views expressed are the writer's own.

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Politics

On Wednesday, soon after two leaders from DMDK visited Duraimurugan, the MLA said that they had requested to be part of the DMK alliance and that he turned them down.

TNM Staff

Two days after the DMDK was embarrassed by allegations from the DMK that they were attempting to initiate last minute alliance talks, the party's treasurer Premalatha Vijaykant launched a fiery attack on the Dravidian party. At a press meet held in the party's headquarters in Chennai, Premalatha termed the DMK as a 'Thillu Mullu Party' (fraud party) and accused the party of political conspiracy against the DMDK. On Wednesday, soon after two leaders from DMDK visited Duraimurugan, he had said that they had requested to be part of the DMK alliance and that he had turned them down. This happened, even as DMDK's LK Sudheesh was in talks with Union Minister Piyush Goyal on being a part of the AIADMK-BJP alliance. Duraimurugan thus accused DMDK of double speak and questioned how an alliance can be formed with a party that was openly in talks with both Dravidian majors but denied it. The DMDK has now termed Duraimurugan's actions as an act of revenge."The DMK is clearly trying to take revenge on us and this is a political conspiracy. They have behaved in this manner at every level. Duraimurugan too did not make any sense at all. He says he didn't know the DMDK leaders who came to his house. If that was the case why did he even allow them in?" asks Premalatha. "And when we know that Stalin is not in town, why will we go have talks? It is a small miscommunication and the DMK has blown it out proportion. We have always said the DMK stands for 'Thillu Mullu party'," she told the media. She further went on to insult the DMK treasurer claiming he must have been sleep talking due to old age."He actually said that Stalin was sleeping at 1 pm. How insulting is that for a leader? And then he says that some lady picked up the phone and said not in coverage area. He is blabbering. I have heard that he falls asleep often due to old age, perhaps this is one such instance," she lashed out. "We went to speak to him because he is a senior leader and it is a sign of respect. But despite being a senior politician he has behaved this way. Will this happen anywhere else?" she asked. The DMDK further accused Duraimurugan of calling the media himself, to make a spectacle of the visit. But when asked why the denial from the DMDK comes so late, Premalatha snapped at the journalists present there."DMDK cannot be guided or threatened. We do what we want. It is our wish. When we want to say no, we will. For that, if you come and stand for 24 hours outside our home and office, it doesn't mean we have to reply," she said. "This is a party with army like discipline. We will only have press release if our leader (Vijaykant) agrees. Our leadership will tell decide when we clarify. We can't respond to your haste," she said. When it was pointed out that the alleged talks with both parties points to lack of a firm ideology for the party, she got further infuriated."Who said we don't have ideology? Did anyone tell you? So you can ask anything?," she asked. "People have 100% belief in us. If there is a girl in a house a lot of people will express interest in marrying her. Similarly, if there is a political party, people will obviously come and talk. But the party leadership has to decide on alliance. So if you look at it that way who in TN doesn't form alliance or have talks with all parties?" she questioned. The DMDK leader further added that since it was Lok Sabha polls it only made sense to align with one of the two national parties - Congress or BJP."This is about choosing MPs for the state and the Prime Minister for the country," she said. "Last time Jayalalithaa went alone and she may have won 37 seat but what good was that for Tamil Nadu? She could not bring any welfare schemes," she claimed. So when will DMDK finally announce its alliance?"In two days," said Premalatha."We will give you all the details once it is final."

Body 2:

Politics

Samajwadi Party is the richest regional party, while TRS comes third, stated a report by Association for Democratic Reforms.

TNM Staff

The AIADMK, the ruling party in Tamil Nadu witnessed a 73% drop in its income during the financial year 2017- 2018, compared to the previous year. The main opposition party in the state, the DMK, on the other hand, saw a whopping 845% rise in total income for the same period. The figures were released on Thursday by the Association for Democratic Reforms, an election-watch NGO. With the help of data from audited accounts and contribution statements submitted by political parties to the Income Tax Department and the Election Commission of India, the ADR has vetted the financial details of 37 regional political parties across the country. Samajwadi Party (SP) tops the list of parties with highest income at Rs 47.19 crore, followed closely by the DMK with Rs 35.748 crore in the bank. The Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) comes third with Rs 27.27 crore. "The total income of top three parties amounted to Rs 110.21 crore, which comprised 46.45% of the total income of 37 Regional Parties, collectively," states the report. The DMK also reported expenditure amounting to Rs 27.47 crore (second highest for a regional party) during 2017- 2018. However, 23.16% of the party's income remained unspent. Meanwhile, the AIADMK had a declared income of Rs 12.726 crore with a total expenditure of Rs 10.53 crore for that period. Over 17% of its income remained unspent for the financial year 2017- 2018. S Ramadoss' PMK reported an income of Rs 1.173 crore and expenditure amounting to Rs 1.219 crore. 'Captain' Vijayakant's DMDK reported Rs 87.8 lakh in income and Rs 46.6 lakh in expenditure. While the PMK witnessed a 67% drop in income, it was a rise of 5 percent in total income for the DMDK. The report observed, “Grant/Donations/contributions, Fees & Subscriptions and Interest Income are some of the most common sources of income that feature amongst the top three across regional parties.” Breaking down the sources of income for each regional party, the report stated that 61.93% ie Rs 22.14 crore of the DMK's income came from 'fees and subscriptions' while interest on bank deposits contributed to 32.95% ie Rs 11.779 crore of its total income. Grants and donations made up for 3.55% or Rs 1.269 crore while 'other income' was 1.57% or Rs 56 lakh. For the AIADMK, the primary source of its income came from interests ie 85.81% or Rs 10.92 crore. Membership fees and subscriptions brought an 8% income to the party's coffers ie Rs 1.02 crore. Collection from issuance of forms made up 6.13% of the ruling party's income ie Rs 78 lakh while 'other income' stood at 0.05% or Rs 60,000. The majority of the PMK's income (82.27%) came from fees and subscription: Rs 96.5 lakh while the rest was from grants, donations and contributions: Rs 20.8 lakh or 17.73%. As for the DMDK, local body and membership fees made up its major share of income, amounting to 98.75% or Rs 86.7 lakh. Donations (0.91% or Rs 80,000) and interest on fixed deposit(0.34% or Rs 30,000) made up the rest. The majority of DMK's expenditure was on administrative and general expenses amounting to Rs 22.299 crore. The AIADMK, on the other hand, spent the most on family benevolent fund payments and medical relief payments, worth Rs 5.807 crore. While the DMK spent Rs 97.7 lakh on employee costs, the AIADMK spent Rs 66 lakh for the same.

Body 2:

Awards

The Param Vir Chakra is India’s highest military decoration, awarded for displaying distinguished acts of valour during wartime.

TNM Staff

The Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu Edappadi K Palaniswamy wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi recommending Wing Commander Abhinandan Varthaman’s name for the ‘Param Vir Chakra.’ In his letter written on Friday, Chief Minister Palaniswami said, “Wing Commander Abhinandan Varthaman displayed amazing poise and confidence in the face of adverse conditions, which has won him many hearts across the country. It is appropriate that he be awarded India’s highest military honour ‘Param Vir Chakra (PVC)’ for displaying most inimitable gallantary and valour.” The Param Vir Chakra (PVC) is India's highest military decoration, awarded for displaying distinguished acts of valour during wartime. Captain Vikram Batra was awarded the Param Vir Chakra posthumously for his exceptional service during the Kargil war. So far, only 21 soldiers have been awarded. It is, however, unclear whether Wing Commander Abhinandan is eligible for the award since PVC is given for exceptional service during wartime. The Chief Minister’s letter described the terror attack by the Pakistan-based terrorist organisation Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) on February 14 that killed more than 40 jawans of the Central Reserve Police Force. “In response, India initiated counter terrorism action against a training camp of Jaish-e-Mohammed in Pakistan,” his letter stated. Adding that Abhinandan was captured after his MiG 21 Bison shot down a Pakistan Air Force fighter, the letter also said that the government of Pakistan released Abhinandan on March 1 following “diplomatic initiatives of the Hon’ble Prime Minister and intense international pressure.” Wing Commander Abhinandan Varthaman was captured by the Pakistan military after the fighter aircraft he flew was shot down. As he ejected safely out of his aircraft, he landed on the Pakistan side of the Line of Control and was taken into custody by the Pakistan military. He was then handed over to the government of India on March 1 after spending more than 48 hours in Pakistan. After he was handed over, Abhinandan underwent debriefings by security agencies while undergoing medical treatment at the military hospital in New Delhi. Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman and Air Chief Marshal BS Dhanoa also met Abhinandan in the hospital on March 2, a day after he was handed over to India.

Body 2:

Politics

Palanisamy was removed from the party in March last year after he urged the AIADMK to back a no-confidence motion against the BJP-led Centre if it did not take a favourable stand on the Cauvery issue.

Manasa Rao

KC Palanisamy, former AIADMK spokesperson and one of the key leaders of the party from the Kongu belt, was officially reinducted in the party in the presence of Chief Minister Edappadi Palaniswami and Deputy Chief Minister O Panneerselvam in Chennai on Friday. The leader’s readmission to the party, shy of a year since his sacking, comes as no surprise as the ruling party is attempting to shore up its base ahead of the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections. Speaking to TNM, Palanisamy, who had been lambasting the EPS-OPS combine for many months, explained that according to him, he had never left the party. “I am happy to be back. I never left the party. I have been a member since 1972. I was groomed by (late Tamil Nadu Chief Minister) MG Ramachandran. I was made a Member of the Legislative Assembly by MGR and made a Member of Parliament by Amma (Jayalalithaa). From 1972, I have continued to be a party member. On March 16 last year, there was an announcement removing me from the party and now that issue has been resolved,” said Palanisamy, adding that his re-admission in the party ahead of elections would also boost the morale of the cadres. “This only means that the party is becoming stronger.” Palanisamy was removed from the party in March last year after he urged the AIADMK to back a no-confidence motion against Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government if it did not take a favourable stand on the Cauvery issue between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. A statement issued by the party's Coordinator and Deputy Chief Minister O Panneerselvam and Joint Coordinator and Chief Minister Edappadi Palaniswami said that the former MP acted in a manner that brought disrepute to the party. Following the death of former Chief Minister and AIADMK supremo J Jayalalithaa, Palanisamy was among the first leaders to oppose the election of her close aide VK Sasikala as party chief. He had also picked O Panneerselvam's camp during the infighting in the party. In the aftermath of the Supreme Court's verdict on the centuries-old Cauvery river dispute between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, the AIADMK government initially seemed torn between supporting the Centre and gauging the angst of the people in the state, to set up the Cauvery Management Board as mandated by the apex court. Palanisamy, in an interview to a media house, had lashed out at the Prime Minister. "If the Centre refuses to set up the CMB and the Cauvery Water Regulatory Committee (CWRC) as the Supreme Court ordered, the AIADMK may support the no-trust motion,” he had said.

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Controversy

The Government has said that it has the authority to supersede the committee by appointing a Special Officer to maintain affairs.

Anjana Shekar

File image

The Tamil Nadu Nadu government has issued a show cause notice to Tamil Film Producers’ Council regarding irregularities within the council and mismanagement of its funds. The notice issued by the Commercial Taxes and Registration Department calls for a response from the council within 30 days from the date of its receipt and is addressed to its President actor Vishal, Vice President Prakash Raj, Secretaries S Kathiresan and SS Durairaj and Treasurer SR Prabhu. Citing producer Radhakrishnan’s representation in December last year that alleges non-convention of general body meeting and misuse of funds, the letter states that the allegations have been proven to be true upon further inquiry by the District Registrar. The letter also adds that all records have not been maintained regularly by the council and the decision to move the office to a new premises in T Nagar was not a collective one. “The Society has neither kept relevant records at the register office of the society nor filled FormV regarding change of address with the registrar concerned till date. Thus, the society has violated section 29(3) and section 13 of Tamil Nadu Societies Registration Act, 1975 and the rules made therein,” it reads. The letter further states that society has distributed funds among members in the guise of pension (over Rs. 12.62 lakhs per month), gift for Deepavali (Rs 63 lakhs in 2018), financial assistance for marriages (Rs 2 lakhs for daughters and Rs 1 lakh if sons) and education of member’s children, thereby violating Section 25 of Tamil Nadu Societies Registration Act, 1975. The notice adds that failing a response, the Government has the authority to supersede the committee by appointing a Special Officer to maintain affairs. TFPC had an internal fall out last year with a few members quitting and a few more rioting against its president Vishal. Allegations of fund misappropriation and general dissent within the council has been raised time and again. Earlier this year, Vishal gained an audience with the Chief Minister, inviting him to TFPC’s tribute event to Ilaiyaraaja. The event itself faced opposition from certain members and non-members who asked to stall it from happening

Body 2:

Supreme Court

The apex court was listening to a plea which sought to disqualify electoral candidates who do not remove their political ads from natural structures such as mountains and hills.

TNM Staff

PTI

In a move that comes as an embarrassment to the Tamil Nadu government, the Supreme Court of India told the state on Friday to stop the defacement of the natural landscape with flags, posters of politicians. The apex court was listening to a special leave petition filed by lawyer and activist Elephant G Rajendran who had sought to promulgate a judicial order that would disqualify electoral candidates who do not remove their political advertisements from natural structures such as mountains and hills. Over the years, Tamil Nadu has been witness to over-zealous political parties, cutting across the political landscape, putting up hoardings, banners and cutouts in violation of the law. In addition to defacing public property such as roads and footpaths, they have also claimed lives in many instances. The petition, which had arraigned major political parties including the AIADMK and the DMK, alleged that 90% of advertisements on roads, highways, flyovers, hills, etc. are by political parties. According to a report in The Hindu, the Bench, comprising Chief Justice of India Ranjan Gogoi and Justices S Abdul Nazeer and Sanjeev Khanna, ordered the Tamil Nadu government to reply within two weeks on the course of action it had taken to end such defacement of nature."You (Tamil Nadu government) cannot allow the defacement of the entire environment with political slogans, pictures of politicians. This has to stop now," the Chief Justice reportedly told Yogesh Kanna, the senior counsel representing the state. The petition also took issue with the Madras High Court’s interim order in December for not ensuring the implementation of its verdicts banning such political party ads in the past. The HC had reportedly observed that immediate steps cannot be taken to reverse the damage. Challenging this, Elephant Rajendran said that the Madras High Court could have asked the respective district collectors to act on the matter.

Body 2:

Court

While the court observed that the state had followed due process, forms for the government aid have been distributed in posh Chennai localities.

TNM Staff

The Madras High Court on Thursday dismissed a petition challenging the distribution of Rs 2,000 to families living below poverty line (BPL) in Tamil Nadu. According to the court, the state court had followed due process in order to evaluate the eligibility of persons receiving the one-time financial aid of Rs 2,000. The petitioners, M Karunanidhi from Villupuram and Murugesan from Vellore, had contended that instead of granting the aid to just BPL families, those above the poverty line should also have been included. According to a report in The New Indian Express, a division bench of Justices S Manikumar and Subramonium Prasad observed that it is up to the state government to decide as to who should be the beneficiaries under a particular scheme. “Courts cannot sit as an appellate authority over the policy of the State, unless the same is so arbitrary that it should be struck down. Even if the data as produced by the petitioner is considered, there would be about 82.63 lakh people below poverty line, if the rural income is taken as Rs 880 per month and the urban income as Rs 937 per month. The beneficiaries in the present scheme are poor families,” said the court, adding, “Going through the material on record and the submissions of the counsel appearing for the parties, we are in agreement with the submissions of the Advocate General that most of the issues raised in the present petition had already been decided in an earlier petition.” However, TNM had reported earlier that Rs 2000 each distributed as part of the government's poverty alleviation scheme were handed out to families at a posh residential complex in suburban Chennai. Further, while the government was asked to publish and cross-verify beneficiary details at the gram sabha level, elections to these local bodies have been been stalled since October 2016 due to court proceedings and ward delimitation exercise carried out by the state government.

Body 2:

Domestic violence

Taken to a shaman by her husband, Jyothi* says she was whipped, caned and slapped for three hours for being 'possessed'. "I screamed my lungs out but no one came to help," she says.

Anjana Shekar

Representational Image

When we meet 24-year-old Jyothi* (name changed) in one of Madurai’s dusty, narrow lanes on a stiff summer afternoon, she is barely able to speak. Shifting her one-year-old daughter from one side of her hip to the other, she explains in her hoarse voice, that she is yet to completely recover from the incident that took place on March 1. Jyothi, who is now four months pregnant with her second child, was allegedly duped and involuntarily taken to a shaman in Appantirupathi on Thursday night by her husband, with help from three of his friends, who branded her as possessed. There, inside the shaman’s dingy hut, Jyothi says she was tortured and physically abused with whips, her body caned, her hair pulled out from her scalp with brute force and her face repeatedly slapped for about three hours. “They kept mercilessly beating in spite of me screaming that I am with a child. I repeatedly pleaded to make them understand that I’m not possessed. They threw grey ash on my face and even disrobed me. I managed to escape twice only to be pulled back inside again. Despite me screaming my lungs out the entire time, no one came to my help,” Jyothi narrates in one breath. When she finally managed to escape the third time around, Jyothi snatched her husband’s shirt to cover herself, picked up her daughter and ran out into the forest in the middle of the night. “I had no idea where I was. I ran to a bungalow and started banging on their door but no one answered. I ran up to their terrace and rested for a while, waiting for dawn. I was desperate for help and scared for my life and my daughter’s safety,” Jyothi shudders. Early on Friday morning, at 4.30 am, Jyothi ran to Appantirupathi police station to file a complaint. For about two hours she was made to wait outside. Later her husband, the shaman and three of his friends were brought to the station for questioning. However, Jyothi claims that they were neither questioned properly nor arrested. “The police, in fact, got the men cigarettes while my mother and I were made to wait outside. They weren’t arrested and I was not aware of FIR being filed that day. However, they did make me sign a couple of papers which I believe was my complaint,” she alleges. The police of Appantirupathi, however, tell us the four of the five accused (one of his friend escaped) were arrested on Friday and remanded into judicial custody. An FIR was filed under sections 147 (rioting), 294 (singing of reciting obscene song or ballad in a public place), 323 (voluntarily causing hurt), 506 (criminal intimidation) of the Indian Penal Code Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Harassment of Women Act and four of them were produced to the Judicial Magistrate. “They were granted bail under court direction. In our FIR copy we had also included that the shaman has been duping innocent public for his personal gains in addition to physical violence,” said an officer from the police station. Jyothi also tells us that her husband has been missing since and she is not aware of his whereabouts. “I do not know what to do. I don’t think the police can help me. I only hope my nightmares of abuse come to an end,” she says. Contrary to what newspapers reported after the incident, the events of Thursday were not the result of just one day. While the reports stated that Jyothi’s unresponsive demeanour to her husband’s violence one day lead him to believe that she might be possessed, Jyothi tells us that her husband was waiting for an opportunity to brand her insane. “He drinks away everything he earns. He brings home very little money and when I try to advise him, he calls me a mad woman. He even tells his friends that I am mentally unstable. When I told him one day that I was having bad dreams and that we should probably go to some temple for good luck, he started a rumour saying I must be possessed for having bad dreams,” she tells us. Two years of domestic violence Jyothi who got married in April 2017 was also constantly taunted and abused by her in-laws after marriage for not bringing any dowry. While the match came through a marriage fixer, Jyothi tells us that she was led to believe that the groom was younger than what he actually was. “They told me he was 27 years old when he actually was eight years older than me (30). Also, they were the ones who refused dowry in the first place,” she adds. Jyothi, whose father passed away when she was 13, grew up with her mother as an only child. From her hometown which is a few kilometres from Madurai, she moved to Pudur to live with her husband and his family. “Witnessing the torture I was subjected to daily, my mother first moved me into a rented house in Pudur. When things got worse, I moved back in with my mother, seven months after getting married. My husband too came along but every once in a week things would get worse with him beating me up. This would happen even while I was pregnant,” alleges Jyothi. Jyothi’s husband worked as a daily wage labourer in construction sites and whatever he earned, he wasted away in drugs and alcohol. Her repeated requests to him to quit the habit fell on deaf ears. Inhumane torture Jyothi also tells us about other women who have been tortured by the fraudulent shaman. “While I was there, the woman, who was his helper, told me about other young girls and women who have been treated similarly. In my case, the shaman claimed that I was possessed by 10 different spirits and he’d repeatedly beat and strangle me. It was my worst nightmare,” she recounts. “It is well known that he’s only doing it for the money. When he took me inside, I tried to make him understand that there was nothing wrong with me and if it was money that he was after, I’d give it to him.” But why does she think her husband started the rumour in the first place? “In September last year, one day, when I could no longer stand him physically abusing me and my child, I went to the police station to file a complaint. While they did not register my complaint, they roughed him up and advised not to beat his wife and child anymore. Until then he only tortured us for no reason but after the incident in the police station, he began taking it out on me as a sort of revenge. I only went to station to protect my child. I bore everything he did to me patiently until then,” she narrates. p.p1 {margin: 0.0px 0.0px 13.3px 0.0px; line-height: 16.9px; font: 14.7px Helvetica; color: #222222; -webkit-text-stroke: #222222; background-color: #ffffff} p.p2 {margin: 0.0px 0.0px 13.3px 0.0px; line-height: 16.9px; font: 14.7px Helvetica; color: #500050; -webkit-text-stroke: #500050; background-color: #ffffff} span.s1 {font-kerning: none}

Body 2:

Politics

During the 2014 Lok Sabha campaign, Jayalalithaa had famously asked, "Who is a better administrator? Gujarat's Modi or this Tamil Nadu Lady?"

TNM Staff

From a political party that was once known for its cult-like, single-minded devotion to its late leader J Jayalalithaa to one that is now popularly ridiculed for being subservient to the BJP, the 46-year-old AIADMK has come a long way. So much so that a state minister no less proudly announced that in the absence of Amma(Jayalalithaa), Prime Minister Narendra Modi was their ‘daddy’. Speaking to reporters in Virudhunagar district, Minister for Milk and Dairy Development KT Rajenthra Bhalaji said, “At a time when Amma is not there, Modi is only our daddy. India's daddy. We accept his leadership.” While those in the AIADMK had long treated former Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa as a mother figure, the revelation that PM Modi is thought of as a father figure comes as no surprise for the dynamics between the ruling AIADMK and the BJP have changed vastly between the 2014 and 2019 General Elections. In 2014, the late AIADMK supremo, who decided that her party would contest alone, famously asked during the election campaign: "Who is a better administrator? Gujarat's Modi or this Tamil Nadu Lady?" The crowd had then exclaimed, `Lady' . The AIADMK contested in all the 39 Lok Sabha constituencies across Tamil Nadu and won a whopping 37 seats. But with Jayalalithaa’s prolonged hospitalisation and subsequent death in December 2016, the AIADMK underwent a sea change. With current Deputy Chief Minister O Panneerselvam rebelling against Jayalalithaa’s close aide VK Sasikala and her nephew TTV Dhinakaran, the party ultimately united thanks to the BJP’s involvement. Though the AIADMK government under Chief Minister Edappadi Palaniswami has survived for two years, the focus, it appears, is now on winning the upcoming Lok Sabha elections and the bye-elections for the 21 Assembly seats that currently lie vacant. As a result, it is bonanza time for the smaller parties as the AIADMK has had to share Lok Sabha seats with them. The AIADMK has stitched together electoral alliances with the PMK (seven Lok Sabha seats and one Rajya Sabha seat), BJP (five Lok Sabha seats), Puthiya Tamizhagam and Puthiya Needhi Katchi (one Lok Sabha seat each) in exchange for these parties supporting the AIADMK during the bye-polls. Even after knowing that ‘Captain’ Vijayakant-led DMDK has been holding parallel talks for an electoral alliance with the DMK, the ruling AIADMK has indicated that it is keeping its doors open. According to political analysts, for the AIADMK, even a party with one per cent vote share is important for the upcoming polls at this juncture. The absence of a tall leader like Jayalalithaa is clearly telling on the AIADMK. In the 235-member Assembly, the AIADMK has 114 members followed by the DMK with 88, Congress eight, one of the IUML, one Independent, the Speaker and 21 vacant seats (19 disqualified and two dead). Besides, there is a nominated member. "The AIADMK can consolidate its position in the Assembly even if it wins 8-9 seats in the bypolls. The polls will also test its strength of two-leaves symbol under the current party leadership," Jhon Arokiasamy, political strategist, told IANS. (With IANS input)

Body 2:

Opinion

Political parties, unprepared with answers and an agenda, find it convenient to blame the media for asking ‘wrong’ question at press conferences they call for.

Manasa Rao

Facebook: @AnbumaniRamadoss.in/ Twitter: @iVijayakant

The media fraternity in Tamil Nadu is, once again, on the boil after a particularly raucous press conference. This time with DMDK treasurer Premalatha Vijayakant. The leader, who called for a press conference on Friday to clarify the party’s run-in with the DMK, lost her cool with the media on being asked if the party had a clear ideology. The question was necessitated by the fact that in the scramble to form an alliance ahead of the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, the DMDK had been simultaneously conducting talks with arch rivals, the AIADMK as well as the DMK. With the DMK’s Duraimurugan having taken away some of the DMDK’s bargaining power with his sassy remarks on Wednesday, it was obvious that Premalatha’s fiery press conference was an attempt to save face for the party. While the leader made a notable point on not being rushed into making decisions by media pressure, her ire landed on media persons seated before her, referring to them in colloquial Tamil as ‘nee’ as opposed to the respectful, common and professional usage of ‘neenga’. In painful irony, while teaching Duraimurugan a lesson or two about 'Tamil culture' and treating guests with respect (in reference to two DMDK leaders who had visited his home), Premalatha singled out television news channels and their reporters for the questions they asked. It is no secret that in Tamil Nadu, almost every political party with a grain of clout-- including the DMDK-- has at least one major television/ news channel whose editorial stance is supportive of the party. Would the DMDK’s Captain TV not ask leading, provocative questions at MK Stalin’s press conference(and with every right to do so)? With everyone indulging in the same dilution of journalistic ethics, what moral high ground does one party have over the other and intimidate journalists? Read: Premalatha Vijaykant lashes out at DMK, says Duraimurugan was targeting DMDK Similarly, at a recent press conference by the PMK’s Anbumani Ramadoss to justify the party’s alliance with the AIADMK, he lashed out at reporters, going so far as to say that they needed to drink water and calm down. Why? Because they persisted in asking why a party, that had been intensely critical of the ruling government had now joined hands with them ahead of the General Elections. Anbumani Ramadoss, who indulged in a fair bit of whataboutery, was faced with a barrage of questions on the party having submitted a 200-page complaint to the Tamil Nadu Governor on the AIADMK's alleged corruption in high office. While it was a welcome move that the leader asked press persons to introduce themselves before asking questions, he also implied that reporters should not be 'agitated' as they were not the ones facing the people in the elections. Read: PMK struggles to justify alliance with AIADMK, cites loss in multiple elections Every major political leader in the state is guilty of not communicating with the press enough, not taking unflattering questions and worse, shooting down questions as ‘wrong’ for they were simply critical of the leader or their party. At a time when fake news and propaganda dressed up as news stories parade the media landscape in the country, the blanket discrediting of the media sets a dangerous precedent. And for young journalists such as myself, the preservation of the media’s role in our democracy is more important now than ever before. So no, the media is not your enemy. If you cannot answer a question, try and fail. The news cycle doesn’t last forever. Just don’t take it out on us. We have every right to be asking you questions, and more so if you hope to win the people’s mandate. Also Read: How TN parties shed ideology for political survival ahead of Lok Sabha polls (Views expressed are the author's own)

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Protest

The residents of Kariyapattinam have been on a sit-in strike for the past nine days opposing the project.

TNM Staff

Image for representation/NityanandJayaraman

As the people’s protest against the hydrocarbon project entered its ninth day, shops and commercial establishments in Vedaranyam in Nagapattinam district downed their shutters on Saturday. According to reports, around 200 people, including women and children from Kariyapattinam, have been on a sit-in strike seeking that the central government drop the exploratory project. They have alleged that the exploration would kill the fertility of their agricultural lands and the place will soon turn into a desert. In October, the central government-owned Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) and Vedanta Limited were granted permission to extract hydrocarbon in Cuddalore and Nagapattinam districts, respectively. Both these districts form a part of the fertile Cauvery-delta basin. While three off-shore locations have been allocated to Vedanta in Nagapattinam, ONGC is tasked to do the same in Chidambaram. The signing of contracts between the government and the companies had sparked off protests in the delta region as the farmers stated that the central government was going forward awarding these contracts without consulting the local people. It was in a similar controversy that Neduvasal, in Pudukottai district, was proposed as a site for an oil and gas exploratory extraction project in 2017. However, prolonged protests by the people living in and around Neduvasal, which also forms a part of the Cauvery delta, led to the withdrawal of the proposal by the Bengaluru-based GEM Laboratories Private Limited. The chemical manufacturing company had won the contract to extract hydrocarbon in the region The new policy of Hydrocarbon Exploration and Licensing Policy (HELP) effectively replaced the New Exploration and Licensing Policy (NELP) which was in place for 18 years. According to HELP, licenses given under it would cover all kinds of hydrocarbons, which is quite opposite to what was under NELP. Under NELP, the companies which seek to explore hydrocarbons must obtain separate licenses for each type of hydrocarbon they seek to explore including crude oil, gas and coal bed methane.

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Full commercial shutdown observed in Vedaranyam against hydrocarbon project